Background

In 1994 the “Republican Revolution” elevated the GOP into the majority in the Congress. One of the highly contested seats, the 13th congressional district of Texas, went red and put a suit-and-boot wearing cattle rancher from the Northern Texas Panhandle into office. Despite the Democratic take-over of the House in the 2006 midterm elections, Mac Thornberry (TX-13) was able to hold on to his seat, garnering 74% of the vote and securing the 13th district as safely Republican. With a population of479,426 eligible voters, Thornberry has a fair share of 'bosses' to impress every two years during campaign season.2 Representing the voice of Texas' 13th means understanding both rural and urban, ensuring funding for Sheppard Air Force Base and protecting jobs ranging from nuclear weapons assembly to cattle ranching.

Demographics and Geography in the Panhandle

Northern Texas' Panhandle is a bastion of political conservatism that is snuggled in between Oklahoma's solidly Republican 3rd and 4th districts in the East and New Mexico's 3rd district which voted 75% blue for incumbent Tom Udall in 2006. To the South and South East of Thornberry's district are Texas' 12th, 19th and 26th districts, all held by Republicans. As you move Southeast down the Panhandle toward Wichita Falls progressive ideologies become more pronounced, becoming liberal as you exit the 13th and arrive in Dallas. The fact that the 13th is set off from urban centers is telling of its general political ideology: “There are no buildings, no roadways, no signs of life. Just sheer Texas landscape stretching out in every direction....[You] begin to get a sense of Mac Thornberry's view of politics, and why he believes the federal government has intruded too much into our everyday lives.” The politics of race has its place as well; with 81% of citizens in the 13th “White,” there is a muffled, though increasingly pivotal voice of traditionally liberal blocs of Blacks (5.8%) and Hispanics (17.6%)4 President Bush pulled some of his best percentages in his home state of Texas, garnering 92% of the sparsely populated Ochiltree County on the Texas-Oklahoma border in the 2004 general election, his best showing in any county in the country. The very history of Texas and its independence from Mexico in 1836 instilled a political legacy that continues to this day; citizens of the Lone Star state like to be left alone. This translates into small government and low taxes, simply Republican conservatism. These political ideals joined with the assumed “safe” hold over Thornberry's seat have resulted in a degree of political apathy in the 13th; of the 479,426 eligible voters, only 145,396 of those cast a ballot in the 2006 race. Unless the Democrats can rally support and garner once stagnant votes for a challenger to Thornberry, the incumbent faces no imminent threat to his seat.

Traditional Crops, Natural Gas Stockpiles & New Age Weapons

Agricultural and defense industries in the 13th are of prime concern for Thornberry. “Among the nation's leading producers of cotton, wheat and peanuts,” the district is rightly concerned about the continuation of federal subsidies for their crops. This is a hot button issue in the 13th district, as Republican party-liner Thornberry, while in favor of the free market, must decide between the resultant decreased subsidies and protecting the livelihood of the farmers in his constituency who depend on federal compensation.8 In addition to claiming “to produce more cotton than any other congressional district, [the 13th] produces much of the world's milo (a variety of sorghum) and is home to one of the nation's oldest and largest cattle auctions.”
Prior to the selling off of major stockpiles of helium under the Helium Privatization Act of 1996, Amarillo, one of the two largest cities in the 13th district and one time “helium capital of the world” has become less of an energy titan. Though the reserves have not all been sold off by the U.S. government yet, Amarillo and the greater 13th district can't create too many jobs from the operation.
Perhaps most important to the economy of the 13th district, and the issue to which Rep. Thornberry is most equipped, is the defense industry. Wichita Falls, in the Southeast of the district near Dallas, is home to Sheppard Air Force Base. Sheppard accommodates the Air Force's largest technical training program, carried out by the 82nd Training Wing and the 80th Flying Training Wing Euro-NATO Joint Jet Pilot Training program. Both units host and train foreign pilots, giving Wichita Falls a “strong international presence.”
Though suffering from setbacks due to several crashes, the Bell Helicopter manufacturer in Amarillo is still fueling the local economy through their DoD contract for V-22 Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft, capable of taking off as a helicopter and flying as a plane.
Of special note is the presence of the Pantex plant outside of Amarillo which is “charged with maintaining the safety, security and reliability of the nation’s nuclear weapons stockpile. The facility is managed and operated by B&W Pantex for the U.S. Department of Energy [and the] National Nuclear Security Administration.” Pantex is the only assembly, disassembly and maintenance facility of nuclear weapons in the United States. While the last warhead may have been created in 1991, Pantex “has safely dismantled thousands of weapons retired from the stockpile by the military and placed the resulting plutonium pits in interim storage,” making it a leading voice in this age of safe non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The needs of Texas' 13th are quite unique. Mostly rural, urban hubs such as Wichita Falls and Amarillo dot the landscape and have become highly specialized in the services they provide, from creating a specific helicopter to training international pilots to maintaining the U.S.' nuclear arsenal.

Representing the Panhandle

Mac Thornberry was first elected to Congress in 1994, defeating Democratic incumbent Sarpalius in a 55%-45% upset. Thornberry, like many other Republican “revolutionaries,” was swept into office by voicing opposition to the Clinton policies that reigned for a year unchecked. Thornberry was re-elected to his 7th term in the 110th Congress with 74.4%, as compared to his 92.3% in 2004 and 79.3% in 2002. In 1989, Mac joined his brothers and father in the cattle ranching business and began to practice law in Amarillo before deciding to run for Congress in 1994.
There is not much ambiguity of what Thornberry wishes to accomplish for the United States, though what he specifically aims to do for his constituency is a bit more hazy. He is a member of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (Subcommittee on Technical and Tactical Intelligence, Subcommittee on Intelligence Community Management) as well as a member of the House Armed Services Committee (senior Republican on the Terrorism and Unconventional Threats Subcommittee, member of Strategic Forces Subcommittee). In the global War on Terror, Mac Thornberry serves as an expert. His work, however, is not restricted only to his committees. While he may know much on the nuclear complex through his Strategic Forces subcommittee, or understands the increasing correlations between intelligence and unconventional terrorism, Thornberry is open to discussion on matters other than “hard” power.
In 2007 Mac served as a member of the Commission on Smart Power, a bi-partisan gathering established by the Center for Strategic and International Studies and charged with making recommendations for how the U.S. will best secure itself in the 21st century. Chaired by former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and Harvard professor Joseph Nye, the commission opened up the discussion on how the U.S. may best utilize its “soft power,” ideals and institutions.18 One of the few priveledged Congress people on the Commission, Thornberry has positioned himself in the unique position of expertise to be able to reach across the aisle and work with Democrats in the name of a larger global struggle of ideals and institutions.
In March of 2001 Thornberry introduced H.R.1158: the National Homeland Security Act. Calling for the reorganization of federal emergency response agencies such as FEMA and the Coast Guard, the bill was more or less pushed aside. Six months later, the political landscape changed in the post-9/11 world and a revamped version of Thornberry's bill became H.R.4660, the bill which “establish[ed] the Department of National Homeland Security and the National Office for Combating Terrorism.” Thornberry's foreign policy scope in vision is supplemented by his understanding of what's needed at the most fundamental level in his district. He sits on the Subcommittee on Strategic Forces which oversees the nuclear arsenal, a core aspect not only for the nation's security, but also for the economic stability of the 13th district's local economy, where Pantex is a driving force. Thornberry has voted with the Republican party 90.7% of the time during the current Congress, typically only straying on matters of terrorism, infrastructure maintenance and energy. On matters of war, such as authorization for Iraq, or the troop surge, Thornberry has followed the party line.
The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) gives Thornberry a 2% lifetime report card, citing common ground only on a campaign finance bill.21 Conversely, the American Conservative Union (ACU) has given Thornberry a 2006 rating of 88%, down from his 2005 100% rating. The National Journal in 2006 (italics are 2005 ratings) found Rep. Thornberry to be 81% (97%) conservative on economic issues, 68% (86%) conservative on social matters, and 73% (71%) conservative on foreign issues.
Thornberry has slowly gained larger victory margins in his congressional races, from 55% of the vote in 1994 to 92.3% in 2004. He is being challenged yet again by his 2006 democratic opponent who he defeated in a landslide with 74% of the vote. On top of that, Thornberry has a war chest of $366,565, his opponent has only $4,617. It's quite clear that the Republican Revolution of '94, like all revolutions, will keep this seat blood red for a long while.

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